Category Archives: History

Book- Alain Brossat and Sylvie Klingberg’s Revolutionary Yiddishland: A History of Jewish Radicalism

Full Review here:

My excerpts below:

Alain Brossat and Sylvie Klingberg’s Revolutionary Yiddishland: A History of Jewish Radicalism was first published in France in 1983. A revised edition appeared in 2009 and an English translation in 2016. Intended for a mainly Jewish readership, the book is essentially an apologia for Jewish communist militants in Eastern Europe in the early to mid-twentieth century. Brossat, a Jewish lecturer in philosophy at the University of Paris, and Klingberg, an Israeli sociologist, interviewed dozens of former revolutionaries living in Israel in the early 1980s. In their testimony they recalled “the great scenes” of their lives such as “the Russian Civil War, the building of the USSR, resistance in the camps, the war in Spain, the armed struggle against Nazism, and the formation of socialist states in Eastern Europe.”[i] While each followed different paths, “the constancy of these militants’ commitment was remarkable, as was the firmness of the ideas and aspirations that underlay it.” Between the two world wars, communist militancy was “the center of gravity of their lives.”[ii]

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Did Marx call for the extermination of ethnic minorities?

It seems like the often referred-to quote, popularized in the movie “Soviet Story” was written by Engels, not Marx. It also mistranslated on word into “racial trash” to make it seem worse.

The whole idea that Karl Marx called ethnic minorities “racial trash” and that he wanted to exterminate them (i.e. Scottish Highlanders, Bretons, Basques, South Slavs, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs and Czechs) comes from a book titled “Politics and Literature in Modern Britain” and an article in the “Encounter”, both by literary historian George Watson, and published in 1977 and 1984 respectively. Also, in the film “The Soviet Story” Watson is the voice behind the phrase: “[Karl Marx was] the ancestor of the modern political genocide”. This is a popular extract from Watson’s work that can be found on the internet:

In the January and February 1849 issues of his journal ‘Neue Rheinische Zeitung’, Karl Marx published articles calling for the extermination of whole races in Europe. These articles were included in a book of the teachings of Marx, Engels and Lenin published in Germany during 1902 and again in 1913. It is most likely that Engels wrote them. This socialist programme considered the Slav nations to be ‘counter-revolutionary’. The Germans, Poles and Magyars (Hungarians) were considered to be ‘the bearers of progress’. The rest must go:

“The chief mission of all other races and peoples, large and small, is to perish in the revolutionary holocaust”.

It was explained that the Slavs had failed to pursue essential historic evolution, so were therefore counter-revolutionary. All European countries contain ‘left-overs of earlier inhabitants’, now rightly brought into subjugation by more advanced peoples. Amongst such ‘racial trash’ (Voekerabfall) were listed Scottish Highlanders, Bretons, Basques, South Slavs (Slovenes, Croats, Serbs) and Czechs.

“Until its complete extermination or loss of national status, this racial trash always becomes the most fanatical bearer there is of counter-revolution, and it remains that. That is because its entire existence is nothing more than a protest against a great historical revolution. … The next world war will cause not only reactionary classes and dynasties, but also entire reactionary peoples, to disappear from the earth. And that too is progress”.

As Marx and Engels aged, they took greater interest in Eugenics and Social Darwinism suggesting that progress was interpretable in racial terms.

For what I found, the article to which Watson is referring to is titled ‘The Magyar Struggle’, and was published in number 194 of the ‘Neue Rheinische Zeitung’ journal on the 13 of January 1849 (which can be found in full at: By reading this article you can clearly see that the main problem with Watson’s theory is that Marx did not write that article!… Engels did!!! That’s a huge mistake for an unbiased literary historian -though he latter seems to reluctantly admit the possibility that it was Engels, and not Marx, wrote it-.

Then we have Watson’s claim that Marx (Engels in any case) called for the extermination of whole races in Europe. Of course, if we pick and choose phrases from the article and take them out of context, then it does look like Engels (not Marx) wanted to get rid of certain ethnic minorities (and not races). But if we read the whole article it seems clear that Engels was talking about those ethnic minorities in the context of the European Revolution of 1848 (a year previous to the publication of the article), on the role that these played in previous conflicts (as fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution and supporters of European monarchies), and on them being taken into account in any future revolution as dangerous reactionaries and counter revolutionaries; and not because they were from an ethnic minority or from a different race, as Watson tries to make us believe.

Then we also have the issue of the “Völkerabfälle”, which by the way, doesn’t even mean “racial trash”; it literally translates as “residual fragments of people”, and this is how it’s translated in the English version of the “The Magyar Struggle”. This term was not used by Marx (as he didn’t even write the article in the first place), and it was neither from Engels. It was from Hegel! as Engels explains in the article.

Therefore, it looks to me like the answer to the question on the title of this post is clear: Absolutely not; Marx did not call for the extermination of any ethnic minorities or races. This rumour is nothing more than false anti-communist propaganda and a deliberate and malicious attempt to demonise Karl Mark. As Latvian political scientist and cultural commentator Ivars Ījabs explained: “To present Karl Marx as the progenitor of modern genocide is simply to lie”.


We do however have this quote from Marx, which is not genocidal, but certainly murderous:

“There is only one way in which the murderous death agonies of the old society and the bloody birth throes of the new society can be shortened, simplified and concentrated, and that way is revolutionary terrorism.”
– Karl Marx, “The Victory of the Counter-Revolution in Vienna”, Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Nov. 7, 1848.

Karl Marx Was a Pretty Bad Person

When Karl Marx died in March 1883, only about a dozen people attended his funeral at a cemetery in London, England, including family members. Yet, for more than a century after his death – and even until today – there have been few thinkers whose ideas have been as influential on various aspects of modern world history. Indeed, as some have said, no other faith or belief-system has had such a worldwide impact as Marxism, since the birth of Christianity and the rise of Islam. . . .

Marx’s only real jobs during his lifetime were as occasional reporters for or editors of newspapers and journals most of which usually closed in a short period of time, either because of small readership and limited financial support or political censorship by the governments under which he was living.

His political activities as a writer and activist resulted in his having to move several times, including to Paris and Brussels, finally ending up in London in 1849, where he lived for the rest of his life, with occasional trips back to the European continent.

Though Marx was “middle class” and even “Victorian” in many of his everyday cultural attitudes, this did not stop him from breaking his marriage vows and committing adultery. He had sex enough times with the family maid that she bore him an illegitimate son – and this under the same roof with his wife and his legitimate children (of which he had seven, with only three living to full adulthood).

But he would not allow his illegitimate child to visit their mother in his London house whenever he was at home, and the boy could only enter the house through the kitchen door in the back of the house. In addition, he had his friend, longtime financial benefactor, and intellectual collaborator, Fredrick Engels, claim parentage of the child so to avoid any social embarrassment falling upon himself due to his infidelity. . . .

In temperament, Marx could be cruel and authoritarian. He treated people with whom he disagreed in a crude and mean way, often ridiculing them in public gatherings. Marx had no hesitation about being a hypocrite; when he wanted something from someone he would flatter them in letters or conversation, but then attack them in nasty language behind their backs to others. He often used racial slurs and insulting words to describe the mannerisms or appearance of his opponents in the socialist movement.

For instance, in an 1862 letter to Frederick Engels, Marx described leading nineteenth-century German socialist, Ferdinand Lassalle, in the following way:

The Jewish Nigger Lassalle … fortunately departs at the end of this week … It is now absolutely clear to me that, as both the shape of his head and his hair texture shows – he descends from the Negros who joined Moses’ flight from Egypt (unless his mother or grandmother on the paternal side hybridized with a nigger). Now this combination of Germanness and Jewishness with a primarily Negro substance creates a strange product. The pushiness of the fellow is also nigger-like.

. . . .

Many found Marx’s personal appearance and manner off-putting or even revolting. In 1850, a spy for the Prussian police visited Marx’s home in London under the pretense of a German revolutionary. The report the spy wrote was shared with the British Ambassador in Berlin. The report said, in part:

[Marx] leads the existence of a Bohemian intellectual. Washing, grooming and changing his linen are things he does rarely, and he is often drunk. Though he is frequently idle for days on end, he will work day and night with tireless endurance when he has much work to do.

He has no fixed time for going to sleep or waking up. He often stays up all night and then lies down fully clothed on the sofa at midday, and sleeps till evening, untroubled by the whole world coming or going through [his room] …

There is not one clean and solid piece of furniture. Everything is broken, tattered and torn, with half an inch of dust over everything and the greatest disorder everywhere …

When you enter Marx’s room smoke and tobacco fumes make your eyes water … Everything is dirty and covered with dust, so that to sit down becomes a hazardous business. Here is a chair with three legs. On another chair the children are playing cooking. This chair happens to have four legs. This is the one that is offered to the visitor, but the children’s cooking has not been wiped away and if you sit down you risk a pair of trousers.

. . . .

He stated that the goal of the organization was “the overthrow of the privileged classes,” initially in cooperation with the petty and liberal “bourgeois” political parties. Marx warned that these democratic parties only want to establish a liberal agenda of reduced government spending, more secure private property rights and some welfare programs for the poor. Instead, Marx said,

Its our interest and our task to make the revolution permanent until all the more or less propertied classes have been driven from their ruling positions, until the proletariat has conquered state power and until the association of the proletarians has progressed sufficiently far – not only in one country but in all the leading countries of the world …

Our concern cannot simply be to modify private property, but to abolish it, not to hush up class antagonisms but to abolish classes, not to improve the existing society but to found a new one.

In the process of overthrowing the liberal democratic order that assumes power following the end of the monarchical rulers, Marx said that the revolutionary proletariat needed to form armed “councils” outside of the democratic government’s authority and control. This is the very method Lenin insisted upon in Russia in the form of “Soviets” after the abdication of the Russian czar . . .

In addition, Marx said, the communist leaders must work to ensure that the immediate revolutionary excitement is not suddenly suppressed after the victory. On the contrary,

… it must be sustained as long as possible. Far from opposing the so-called excesses – instances of popular vengeance against hated individuals or against public buildings with which hateful memories are associated – the workers’ party must not only tolerate these actions but must even give them direction.

In other words, Marx was insisting upon fostering a frenzy of “vengeance against hated individuals” that clearly meant terror and mass murder. And this, too, was the signpost that Lenin followed in assuring the triumph of his revolution in Russia. . . .

See also:

Genocide quotes

Stalin’s Final Speech 1952 [Subtitled]


The struggle to preserve peace.

Soviet Union represents peace loving people all over the world. They support us, here are examples.

It is a global struggle for peace.

In return, we much aid their struggle for liberation.

We faced the fascists almost single handedly. Now, from China to Korea to Czechoslovakia, militaries have appeared in “people’s democracies” ready to face a any threat.

Under Tsardom any step toward progress was a grave crime.

The bourgeois is weaker now. Reactionary. They no longer have support of the people, no longer portray themselves as liberal.

Full rights for the exploited majority.

The banner must by raised by you to gain support for the majority.

Previously the bourgeois supported rights and independence of nations “above all”, now there is no trace of the national principle. They sell national rights and independence for dollars.

Sovereignty has been tossed overboard.

If you want to be patriots, there is no one else to do it (except communists).

Long live our fraternal parties.

(controversial) Revisiting the 19th-Century Russian Pogroms

part 1

part 2

part 3

Excerpts from all three below:

To allow for any sense of Jewish agency — any argument that Jews may have in some way contributed to anti-Jewish sentiment — is to harm the perpetuation of this paradigm. In this sense, the ‘victim paradigm’ also contributes heavily to the claim for Jewish uniqueness and, as Norman Finkelstein has pointed out, one can clearly see in many examples of Jewish historiography the tendency to focus not so much on the “suffering of Jews” but rather on the simple fact that “Jews suffered.”[1] As a result, the paradigm offers no place to non-Jewish suffering. . . .

The pogroms themselves have consistently been portrayed by (mainly Jewish) historians as “irrational manifestations of hatred against Jews,”[2] where peasant mobs were the unwitting dupes of malevolent Russian officials. Other explanations are so lacking in evidence, and so devoid of logic that they stretch credulity to breaking point. For example, University of British Columbia Professor, Donald G. Dutton has asserted that the mobs were not motivated by “the sudden rapid increase of the Jewish urban population, the extraordinary economic success of Russian Jews, or the involvement of Jews in Russian revolutionary politics” but rather by the “blood libel.”[3]

Little or no historiography has been dedicated to peeling back the layers of “refugee” stories to uncover what really happened in the Russian Empire in the years before and during the riots. This lack of historical enquiry can be attributed at least in part to a great reluctance on the part of Jewish historians to investigate the pogroms in any manner beyond the merely superficial. In addition, historical enquiry by non-Jewish historians into the subject has been openly discouraged. For example, when Ukrainian historians discovered evidence proving that contemporary media reports of Jewish casualties in that nation were exaggerated, the Jewish genealogy website ‘JewishGen,’ responded by stating: “We believe that [these facts] are more than irrelevant because it redirects public attention from the major topic: the genocidal essence of pogroms.” . . .

The statement could be translated as “Let’s not let the facts get in the way of a good story.” Also, as this paper will show, the tendency to portray the riots as “genocidal” is completely lacking in foundation. University of California Los Angeles Professor of Sociology, Michael Mann, has provided substantial evidence indicating that “most perpetrators did not conceive of removing Jews altogether.”[4] . . .

Polish Jewry had enjoyed a demographic explosion, with Jews now representing almost 20% of the entire population. In addition, it was discovered that Jews controlled a full 75% of Polish exports, and that many were now spilling out of over-populated urban centres into the countryside, making a living by monopolising the sale of liquor to peasants.[11] By 1774, complaints were reaching Russian officials from non-Jewish merchants who argued that Jewish ethnic networking was propping up the monopoly of exports, and that this monopoly would shortly have dire implications for the consumer.[12] These revelations were the key motivating factors in the decision to expel Warsaw’s Jews in 1775, and until the early 19th century there was a kind of stand-off between Poles and Jews.[13] Napoleon’s establishment of the Duchy of Warsaw in 1807 did little to alter the situation, as Napoleon acceded to local sentiment which held that Jews should not feel the benefit of the new constitution until they had “eradicated their peculiar characteristics.”[14] In 1813, the government of the Duchy moved to break the Jewish monopoly on liquor, banning all Jews from selling alcohol in the villages, bringing an end to the activity of “tens of thousands” of Jewish liquor merchants in the provinces. Not surprisingly, when the Duchy was dissolved in 1815 following Napoleon’s failed attempt to invade Russia, Polish Jewry shed no tears.

In late 1815, the Congress of Vienna was held. The aim of the congress was to give its assent to the formation of a new autonomous Polish kingdom under the sovereignty of Russia. Although the bulk of Polish Jewry remained within the newly established kingdom, tens of thousands also poured forth into other areas of the Russian Empire, ushering in an uncomfortable age of fraught Russian-Jewish relations. . . .

In 1841, investigations were carried out into Russia’s Jewish communities, and the subsequent reports pointed to three significant problems. The first was persistent Jewish difference in dress, language, and religious and communal organization. The idea underpinning this aloofness from non-Jewish society, the ‘Chosen’ status of the Jews and an accompanying ethnic chauvinism, was said to be particularly harmful to Jewish-Gentile relations, particularly when it was reinforced through “a system of male education that was thought to inculcate anti-Christian interpretations of the Talmud.”[19] The second, related, problem was that Jewish economic practices were also rooted in this aloofness. The Talmud “encouraged and justified unreserved economic exploitation based on cheating and exploiting the non-Jews,”[20] in a validation of Max Weber’s theory of ‘internal’ and ‘external’ ethics, whereby “members of a cohesive social unit observe different moral standards among themselves compared with those observed in relation to strangers.”[21] The third aspect of the Russian ‘Jewish Question,’ was the issue of Jewish loyalty. The Jews of the Russian Empire had evidently retained the kahal of pre-partition Polish Jewry. The kahal was a formal system of Jewish communal leadership and government, entirely separate from the Russian state. Although tacitly tolerated by the state for its tax collection capabilities, Jewish loyalty to the kahal was absolute, going beyond the merely fiscal. Almost all Jews continued to resort to Jewish courts. . . .

John Klier states that following these revelations, “state and society shared a consensus that Jews could be – and must be – reformed and transformed into good subjects of the realm.”[22] Under Emperor Alexander I (1801–25) there had been attempts to encourage Jews to pursue more productive economic activities. Generous concessions were made to Jews in the hope that they would abandon their middleman roles, as well as the distilleries and taverns of the provinces, and take up work in agricultural colonies. Klier states that the “embeddedness of the Jews in the economic and social life of the imperial borderlands ensured that despite legislative initiatives, Jewish economic life remained largely unchanged.”[23]

In 1844, under Nicholas I, the Russian government began a program of reforms and legislation designed to break down Jewish exclusivity and incorporate the nation’s Jews more fully into Russian society. Not surprisingly, the government first took aim at the kahal, banning it as “an illegal underground structure.”[24] The significance of the banning of the kahal went beyond tackling the issue of Jewish loyalty. The mutual assistance offered by the kahal was felt to have had economic implications – “it was the mutual support provided by the kahal that ensured that Jews were more than a match for any competitor, even the arch-exploiter of the Russian village, the kulak.”[25] . . . Unfortunately for Nicholas, what his system produced was a cadre of Jewish intellectuals profoundly hostile to the state. . . .

Conditions on settlement and mobility in the Pale were relaxed further. Klier states that “Jews even became the subject of sympathetic concern for the leaders of public opinion. Proposals for the complete emancipation of the Jews were widely mooted in the press.”[26]

These measures, however, were also accompanied by a growing uneasiness with the way the Jews of Russia took advantage of them. There was little in the way of gratitude, and the measures did not bring about the great changes that had been hoped for. The nationalist revolt of the Poles in 1863, and the fact that a large number of wealthy Jews were found to have funded some of the rebels cast new doubts on Jewish loyalty. Having emancipated the peasantry and adopted a paternalistic concern for the former serfs, the government also viewed with alarm the rapidity with which the “Jews were exploiting the unsophisticated and ignorant rural inhabitants, reducing them to a Jewish serfdom.”[27] It also quickly became apparent that despite new military legislation, Jews were noticeable in their overwhelming avoidance of military service. In retaliation, the government clamped down on rural tavern ownership, and introduced more stringent recruitment procedures specifically for Jews. It has been claimed that Jews were also banned from land ownership at this time, but Klier provides evidence that Jews were still able to buy any peasant properties sold at auction for tax arrears, as well as any property within the Pale not owned by Russian gentry.[28] . . .

The Jewish Narrative.

In 1881 the ‘Russo-Jewish Committee,’ (RJC) an arm of Britain’s Jewish elite, mass-produced a pamphlet entitled “The Persecution of the Jews in Russia,” and began disseminating it through the press, the churches, and numerous other channels. By 1899, it was embellished and published as a short book, and today digitized copies are freely available online.[1] By the early 20th century, the pamphlet had even spawned a four-page journal called Darkest Russia – A Weekly Record of the Struggle for Freedom, ensuring that the average British citizen did not go long without being reminded of the ‘horrors’ facing Russian Jews.[2] The fact that these publications were mass produced should provide an indication as to their purpose: It is clear that these publications represented one of the most ambitious propaganda campaign in Jewish history, and combined with similar efforts in the United States, they were aimed at gaining the attention of, and ‘educating,’ the Western nations and ensuring the primacy of the ‘Jewish side of the story.’ Implicit in this was not only a desire to provoke anti-Russian attitudes, but also copious amounts of sympathy for the victimized Jews — sympathy necessary to ensure that mass Jewish chain migration to the West went on untroubled and unhindered by nativists. After all, wasn’t the bigoted nativist just a step removed from the rampaging Cossack?

The first element of the narrative advanced by the RJC is essentially a manipulation of the history of Russian-Jewish relations. It holds that the Jews of Eastern Europe have been oppressed for centuries, their whole lives “hampered, from cradle to grave, by restrictive laws.”[3] It was claimed that the Russians had an unwritten law: “That no Russian Jew shall earn a living.”[4] Russian Jews, according to the Russo-Jewish Committee, have wanted nothing more than to participate in Russian society, but have been rebuffed time and again as “heretics and aliens.” . . .

The second element of the Jewish narrative is that the government and petty officialdom had some role to play in organizing and directing the pogroms. Much disdain is heaped on the government, and petty officialdom, which was said to have been afflicted with “a chronic anti-Semitic outlook.” It was claimed that when the riots began, the government was “not altogether sorry to let the excitement of the people vent itself on the Jews.”[5] In reference to the restrictive May Laws, the authors were forced to concede they had never really been enforced. . . .

The third element of the Jewish narrative is that the pogroms were genocidal, and that they had been organized and perpetrated by groups seeking the extermination of the Jews. The 1899 edition of “The Persecution of the Jews in Russia” included a copy of a lengthy letter written to the London Times by Nathan Joseph, Secretary of the RJC, dated November 5th, 1890. In the letter, Joseph claimed that in the present circumstances “hundreds of thousands could be exterminated,”[7] and that Russian legislation in relation to Jews represented “an instrument of torture and persecution.” In sum, the Jews of Russia were claimed to be living under “a sentence of death,” and it was further claimed that “the executions are proceeding.” The letter ends with an appeal to “Civilized Europe” to intervene, chastise Russia, and aid the victimized Jews.[8]

The fourth key element of the Jewish narrative is that the pogroms were extremely violent in nature. . . . Men had been ruthlessly murdered, tender infants had been dashed on the stones or roasted alive in their own homes. During a British parliamentary consultation on the pogroms in 1905, a Rabbi Michelson claimed that “the atrocities had been so fiendish that they could find no parallel even in the most barbarous annals of the most barbarous peoples.”[9] The New York Times reported that during the 1903 Kishinev pogrom “babes were literally torn to pieces by the frenzied and bloodthirsty mob.”[10] . . .

The ‘atrocity’ aspect of the narrative has continued to be advanced by Jewish historians. For example Anita Shapira, in her Stanford-published, Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881-1948, claims that “each series of new riots was worse than the one preceding, as if every bloodbath provided a permit for an even worse massacre.”[11] Shapira further hints that the murder of Jewish babies was common during the pogroms, stating that a common worry of Russian Jews was “Will they take pity on the small babies, who do not even know yet that they are Jews?”[12] She concludes one particular section on pogrom violence by stating, without referencing any evidence, that there were “numerous acts of rape,” and that “many were massacred — men, women, and children. The cruelty that marked these killings added a special dimension to the feeling of terror and shock that spread in their wake.”[13] Joseph Brandes, in his 2009 Immigrants to Freedom alleges, without citing evidence, that mobs “threw women and children out of the windows” of their homes, and that “heads were battered with hammers, nails were driven into bodies, eyes were gouged out … and petroleum was poured over the sick found hiding in cellars and they were burned to death.”[14] . . .

John Doyle Klier points out that the Daily Telegraph was at that time Jewish-owned, and was particularly “severe” in its reports on Russian treatment of Jews prior to 1881.[19] In the pages of this publication, it was stated that “these Russian atrocities are only the beginning. … [T]he Russian officials themselves countenance these barbarities.”[20] Around this time in Continental Europe, Prussian Rabbi Yizhak Rülf established himself as an “intermediary” between Eastern Jewry and the West, and, according to Klier, one of his specialities was the spreading of “sensationalized accounts of mass rape.”[21] . . .

Other major sources of pogrom atrocity stories were the New York Times, the London Times, and the Jewish World. It would be the Jewish World which furnished the majority of these tales, having sent a reporter “to visit areas that had suffered pogroms.”[22] Most of the other papers simply reprinted what the Jewish World reporter sent them. The atrocity stories carried by these newspapers provoked global outrage. There were large-scale public protests against Russia in Paris, Brussels, London, Vienna, and even in Melbourne, Australia. However, “it was in the United States that public indignation reached its height.” Historian Edward Judge states that the American public was spurred on by reports of “brutal beatings, multiple rapes, dismemberment of corpses, senseless slaughter, painful suffering and unbearable grief.”[23]

However, as John Klier states, the reports of the Jewish World’s “Special Correspondent,” “raise intriguing problems for the historian.”[24] While his itinerary of travel is described as “plausible,” most of his accounts are “flatly contradicted by the archival record.”[25] His claim that twenty rioters were killed during a pogrom in Kishinev in 1881 has been proven to be a fabrication by records which show that in that city, at that time, “there were no significant pogroms and no fatalities.”[26] Other claims that he witnessed shootings of peasants on his travels have been entirely discredited due to the vast number of minor inaccuracies in those accounts.

Furthermore, Klier states that the atrocity stories compiled by the Jewish World correspondent, which went on to be so influential in manipulating Western perceptions of the events, must be treated with “extreme caution.”[27] The reporter “portrayed the pogroms dramatically, as great in scale and inhuman in their brutality. He reported numerous accounts where Jews were burned alive in their homes while the authorities looked on.”[28] There are hundreds of instances where he references the murder of children, the mutilation of women, and the biting off of fingers.

Klier states that “the author’s most influential accounts, given their effect on world opinion, were his accounts of the rape and torture of girls as young as ten or twelve.”[29] In 1881 he reported 25 rapes in Kiev, of which five were said to have resulted in fatalities, in Odessa he claimed 11, and in Elizavetgrad he claimed 30.[30] Rape featured prominently in the reports, not because rapes were common, but because rape “even more than murder and looting” was known to “generate particular outrage abroad.” Klier states that “Jewish intermediaries who were channelling pogrom reports abroad were well aware of the impact of reports of rape, and it featured prominently in their accounts.”[31] The two most dramatic and gruesome accounts came from Berezovka and Borispol. In fact, as the year neared its end, the reports became more and more gruesome and brutal in the details they conveyed.

There is, of course, a reason for this. As the non-Jewish public began to tire of the reports and switched their minds to the coming Christmas festivities, Klier states that records show the RJC made a conscious and calculated decision to “keep Russian Jewry before the eyes of the public.”[32] A key component of this strategy was to take the accounts of the Special Correspondent and publish them in a more widely circulated and respected newspaper. They settled on the London Times, which was already predisposed to “critical editorial faulting of the Russian government.” Klier further states that these evidently false reports “garnished with the prestige of The Times and devoid of any attribution, subsequently published as a separate pamphlet, and translated into a variety of European languages … became the definitive Western version of the pogroms.”[33] . . .

In January 1882, Consul-General Stanley objected to all of the details contained within reports published by The Times, mentioning in particular the unfounded “accounts of the violation of women.”[35] He further stated that his own investigations revealed that there had been no incidences of rape during the Berezovka pogrom, that violence was rare, and that much of the disturbance was restricted to property damage. In relation to property damage in Odessa, Stanley estimated it to be around 20,000 rubles, and rejected outright the Jewish claim that damage amounted to over one million rubles.

Vice-Consul Law, another independent investigator, reported that he had visited Kiev and Odessa, and could only conclude that “I should be disinclined to believe in any stories of women having been outraged in those towns.”[36] Another investigator, Colonel Francis Maude, visited Warsaw and said that he could “not attach any importance” to atrocity reports emanating from that city.[37] At Elizavetgrad, instead of whole streets being razed to the ground, it was discovered that a small hut had lost its roof. It was further discovered that very few Jews, if any, had been intentionally killed, though some died of injuries received in the riots. These were mainly the result of conflicts between groups of Jews who defended their taverns and rioters seeking alcohol. The small number of Jews who had been intentionally killed had fallen victim to unstable individuals who had been drunk on Jewish liquor — accusations of murderous intent among the masses were simply unfounded and unsubstantiated by the evidence. . . .

The revelations came at a bad time for the RJC, which was at that time attempting to move the British Government to “act in some way on behalf of persecuted Russian Jewry.”[40] It resorted to republishing (in the Times) its pamphlet on persecution in Russia twice in one month, presumably in the belief that blunt repetition would suffice to overcome tangible evidence. Klier states that the pieces were examples of “masterful” propaganda, as they attempted to undermine the credibility of the Government consuls, while sycophantically appealing to “the wise and noble people of England,” who “will know what weight should be attached to such denials and refutations.”[41] The RJC offered its own “corroborative evidence of the most undeniable kind,” though of course the exact source of this evidence was not specified beyond “persons occupying high official positions in the Jewish community” and “Jewish refugees.”

In essence, the people of western nations were being asked to trust an anonymous Rabbi on the other side of the world rather than identifiable representatives of their own government. The pieces, states Klier, “painted the familiar picture of murder and rape,” and despite the debunking statements of the consuls, “a number of mother/daughter rapes, which had already done so much to outrage British public opinion, were again repeated.”[42] Although the move for British government intervention failed, in the battle for public opinion “the RJC clearly won the day,” and the Times and the RJC remained good bedfellows.

The Consuls were outraged. Stanley reiterated the fact that his intensive investigations, which he carried out at great personal cost with a serious leg injury, illustrated that “The Times’ accounts of what took place at each of those places contains the greatest exaggerations, and that the account of what took place at some of those places is absolutely untrue.”[43] He related the fact that a Rabbi in Odessa had “not heard of any outrages on women there,” and that the object of almost every pogrom he had investigated was simple “plunder.”[44] Enraged by the lies circulating in Britain and America, Stanley “went right to the top,” interviewing state rabbis and asking for evidence and touring pogrom sites. In Odessa, where a wealth of atrocity stories had originated, he was able to confirm “one death, but no looting of synagogues or victims set alight.” There was no evidence that a single rape had taken place. One state Rabbi admitted that he had not heard of any outrages of women in Berezovka and further assured Stanley that he “could with a clear conscience positively deny that any deaths or any violations had occurred there during the disturbances of last year.”[45] He again sent this report to his superior in London, with a note saying “This is in accordance with all the information I have received and forwarded to your Lordship, and which I think more credible than anonymous letters in The Times.”[46]

Despite Stanley’s best efforts the Jewish narrative advanced by the RJC, imbued with atrocity tales, has remained unalterably attached in Western perceptions of the pogroms. . . .

The first disturbance involving Jews to occur in the Russian Empire, and which left sufficient documentation, was the 1821 Odessa pogrom. Weinberg has painted a picture of Odessa as being some kind of multicultural heaven at this time. He states that the city “benefited from the presence of German, Italian, French, Greek, and English residents whose cultural and intellectual tastes influenced local life.”[8] By the 1820s street signs were written in Russian and Italian, the city’s first newspaper appeared in French. Odessa, according to Weinberg, had a thriving art scene, particularly in relation to theatre, music, and opera.

However, Klier paints a radically different picture of the city, stressing in particular the ethnic tension created by increasing Jewish settlement in the city. Klier states that by 1821, Odessa was “a hotbed of ethnic, religious, and economic rivalries” and was, quite significantly, “a distinctly non-Russian city.”[9] Weinberg explains that “the number of Jews arriving from other parts of the Russian Empire and Galicia in the Austrian Empire skyrocketed.” In Odessa, Jews were entirely free from “legal burdens and residency restrictions.”[10]

Violence erupted in 1821 when, during the Greek War of Independence, a group of Muslims and Jews murdered and then mutilated Gregory V, the Greek Orthodox Patriarch in Istanbul. In the aftermath, many Greeks fled with Gregory’s remains from Istanbul to Odessa, where his funeral procession was held. Surviving documents suggest that violence broke out when a large contingent of Odessa’s Jewish population showed open disrespect for the procession.[11]

In describing this and subsequent outbreaks of violence in Odessa, I must urge readers to divest themselves of the preconception that the Jewish contingent of the city was a tiny minority. Jewish historians are often quick to allude to minority status without providing definitive numbers. John Doyle Klier, however, informs us that by the middle of the nineteenth century Jews constituted “almost one-third of the total population” in Odessa.[12] Given the huge population of Greeks and other nationalities, it was the Russians who composed the “tiny minority.” . . .

Economic supremacy in the city until the middle of the nineteenth century was the preserve of the Greek population, which had fended off the attempts of numerous other ethnic groups to “secure or maintain a favored economic position.”[13]

When a huge influx of Jews occurred in the 1850s, the struggle for economic supremacy between Jew and Greek, added to historical religiopolitical grievances, contributed to increased inter-ethnic tension in the city. Greek historian Evridiki Sifneos informs us that earlier co-existence had “not been based on mutual toleration. On the contrary, economic recession in the second half of the nineteenth century accelerated ethnic distinctions, and resentment was provoked by the ascension of social or ethnic groups [primarily Jewish], which led to the redistribution of resources.”[14] Until the mid-1850s, the Greeks had control of grain exports, but with the disruption of trade routes as a result of the Crimean War, some local Greek business owners were forced into bankruptcy. The city’s Jews, who had earlier occupied mainly middleman roles, pooled resources and eagerly bought up these businesses at extremely low prices. A letter from one Greek contemporary reads: “When I first came to Odessa in 1864, I became a purchaser of grain on behalf of our house, 14 at Moldovanka. The majority were Greeks, with a few Russian middlemen. Now there are no Russians, and as for the Greeks they are counted on the fingers of one hand. Jews are the ones who have taken over the market.”[15] According to Sifneos, Jews took advantage of the placement of their taverns in the villages to establish themselves as middlemen in the collection of grain from the surrounding countryside, and in addition “they worked more tightly within their ethnic network.”[16]

Weinberg further states that when “Jewish employers followed the practice of only hiring their own, many Greek dockworkers now found themselves in the ranks of the unemployed.”[17] When it became apparent that Jews had wrested economic supremacy from the Greeks in 1858, incidences of inter-ethnic violence began to escalate in frequency. In 1858 there were attacks on Greek and Jewish property, and numerous “Greek-Jewish brawls” in the city, and in 1859 a quarrel between Greek and Jewish children again escalated into full-scale inter-ethnic conflict. Violence was ended thanks only to the intervention of Russian police and Cossacks.[18] A major bout of Greek-Jewish violence occurred again in 1869.

How do we describe such events? In light of the context of these disturbances, does the term “pogrom” or “anti-Jewish riot” withstand scrutiny? Certainly not. Note my use of the terms “inter-ethnic violence” and “disturbance involving Jews.” These terms do not feature in Jewish historiography on these events. “Anti-Jewish riot” or “pogrom” is merely part of the lexicon of the ‘victim paradigm,’ bequeathing passive status even through word use. To express it flippantly, when Tom and Bill have a fight in the street, one does not describe it as “anti-Tom violence.” This automatically imparts passive, victim status to Tom, despite the fact that he may have started the fight, and certainly threw as many punches. Weinberg, for example, describes the 1859 disturbance as “anti-Jewish activity,” but states that both “Jewish and gentile youths engaged in bloody brawls.”[19] . . .

The late John Doyle Klier, formerly Professor of Hebrew and Jewish Studies at Oxford University, informs us categorically that Russian involvement in the 1871 Odessa ethnic conflict had its roots in real, tangible economic grievances. Klier states that Russian participation was the result of “bitterness born of the exploitation of their work by Jews and the ability of the latter to enrich themselves and manipulate all manner of trade and commercial activity.”[20] Similarly, Weinberg concedes that by 1871, there were “many others besides Greeks who perceived Jews as an economic threat.”[21] . . .

By 1871, Jewish economic domination had moved beyond grain exports. A US consular report from that year reveals the extent of Jewish control over Odessa’s economic life. It reports that Jews in the city “occupy themselves with trade and favoring their own class or sect, that is that their combinations, in a great many instances, amount almost to monopolies. The common remark, therefore, is that ‘everything is in the hands of the Jews.’ To sell or buy a house, a horse, a carriage, to rent a lodging or contract for a loan, to engage a governess, and sometimes even to marry a wife the Jew gets his percent as a “go between.” The poor laborer, the hungry soldier, the land proprietor, the money capitalist, and in fact every producer and every consumer is obliged in one way or another to pay tribute to the Jew.”[24] . . .

Moscow Patriarchate created by NKVD agents, according to SBU documents

The Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church, in which Moscow’s Patriarch was elected in 1945, was held under the control of the People’s Commissariat of State Security (NKVD), which was the Soviet KGB predecessor.

This is evidenced by the archival documents of the former head office of the KGB of Ukraine, which the Security Service of Ukraine has declassified, and which have been published in the form of photocopies and are being discussed on social networks, reports Espresso TV citing the Russian edition Znak. . . .

It becomes clear from the declassified documents that the NKGB USSR and its subdivisions in the Union and autonomous republics, territories and regions were engaged in the selection of candidates for participation in the Council of the representatives of the clergy and laity. To this end, it was necessary to identify “persons who enjoy religious authority among the clergy and believers, and at the same time are the persons proven in the intelligence or patriotic work”.

“It is important to ensure that among the nominated candidates the NKGB agents were prevailing to pursue our strategy at the Council,” goes the letter sent in September 1944 and signed by Fedotov, chief of the 2nd Division of the NKVD USSR and Karpov, chief of the 5th Division, 2nd Directorate.

Background: In 1943, in response to the revived activity of ​​the Orthodox churches in the USSR under the Nazi occupation, Stalin, with propaganda purposes, decided to lift the ban on the activities of the ROC.

The haunting faces of prisoners worked to death in Soviet slave camps emerge as 100th anniversary of 1917 Bolshevik takeover approaches

Read more:

Between 1929 and the year of Stalin’s death in 1953, 18million men and women were transported to Soviet slave labour camps in Siberia and other outposts of the Red empire – many of them never to return.

Prisoners worked in the most extreme climates, facing temperatures of -20C (-4F), as they cut down trees with handsaws and dug at frozen ground with primitive pickaxes.


Continue reading

Huge genealogical database of Ukrainians born in 1650–1920 opens online


The database includes 2.56 mn people and is expected to reach 4 to 5 mn in 2019. The access to its contents is and will remain free of charge. The sources of data are manifold: birth registers, fiscal and parish censuses, lists of nobility, voters, the military, and victims of repressions, address directories, and other documents produced under the Tsardom of Muscovy, Russian and Habsburg Empires, Poland and the Soviet Union. A Roman-letter version of the data index is reportedly to be enabled in the coming months.

All the users who register profiles on the project’s website can construct their own family trees. Nearly 18 thousand trees have been created in the first couple of days following the official inauguration of the site. Since July 2017, the analytical engine will automatically compare the information from various trees and suggest additions to the users, which means that the site will operate as a genealogical social network.

The project founder is the Ukrainian IT businessman Igor Hoszowski. A historian by training, he has studied his ancestry for many years and achieved spectacular success.
Igor Hoszowski wants today’s Ukrainians to know more about their ancestors. Photo © Oleksandr Medvedev /


Red censorship

Once his power was secured, Lenin started prohibiting “bourgeois” and “counterrevolutionary” publications. Within two months, the Bolshevik forces had seized 90 printing presses. By the middle of the 1918, the following year, the non-communist press had been completely shut down. These measures were supposedly “temporary.” In reality, they lasted for seven decades.

The aim of communism is to completely remake society: control of information has always been an element of this. In their 1848 Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels recommended the “centralization of the means of communication … in the hands of the State” as one of the basic actions to be taken after a communist revolution.

Ukrainian Victims of the Red Terror – 1919 (Graphic)

For those people who try to blame everything on Stalin:

Original here


Сводка сведений о злодеяниях и беззакониях большевиков

29 июня 1919 года, № 4338, г. Екатеринодар.

Харьков. Во время пребывания большевиков в Харькове […] царил такой террор, что многие сходили с ума от всех переживаемых кошмаров. Особенным зверством отличался комиссар Саенко, к счастью, пойманный добровольцами. Расстреливали беспощадно, не исключая женщин и детей.

На двух улицах и в подвалах некоторых домов были вырыты коридоры, к концу которых ставили расстреливаемых и, когда они падали, их присыпали землей. […] На другой день на том же месте расстреливали следующих, затем опять присыпали землей и так до верху.

Потом начинался следующий ряд этого же коридора. […] В одном из таких коридоров лежало до 2 000 расстрелянных. Некоторые женщины расстреляны только потому, что не принимали ухаживаний комиссаров. В подвалах находили распятых на полу людей и привинченных к полу винтами. У многих женщин была снята кожа на руках и ногах в виде перчаток и чулок и вся кожа спереди.

Red terror

Слева труп заложника С. Михайлова, приказчика гастрономического магазина, видимо, зарубленного шашкой. Посередине тело засеченного насмерть шомполами, с перебитой нижней частью спины, учителя Петренко. Справа труп капитана Агапова с вывороченными пыткой половыми органами.

[…] последний период пребывания советской власти в городе ознаменовался необычайной вспышкой красного террора.

Харьковская Чрезвычайка, насчитывавшая до 1500 агентов, работала вовсю. Ежедневно арестовывались сотни лиц. В подвальном этаже дома, в котором помещалась Чрезвычайка (по Сумской ул.), имелось три больших комнаты. Эти комнаты всегда бывали переполненными до такой степени, что арестованным приходилось стоять.

В распоряжении Чрезвычайки имелась специальная китайская рота, которая пытала арестованных при допросах и расстреливала обреченных. Ежедневно расстреливалось от 40 до 50 человек, причем последние дни эта цифра сильно возросла.

Red terror

Тела четырех крестьян-заложников (Бондаренко, Плохих, Левенец и Сидорчук). Лица покойников страшно изрезаны. Особым изуверским образом изуродованы половые органы. Производившие экспертизу врачи высказали предположение, что такой прием по степени своей болезненности превосходит все доступное человеческому воображению.

В числе других большевиками расстреляны бывший иркутский губернатор Бантыш с сыном, генералы Нечаев и Кусков и князь Путятин. По приблизительному подсчету большевиками расстреляно в Харькове свыше 1000 человек.

В концентрационном лагере на Чайковской улице вырыто тридцать три трупа расстрелянных большевиками заложников. Большевики не только расстреливали заложников, но и рубили их шашками у вырытых могил, закапывали живыми в могилы, бросали в канализационные колодцы. Подземные казематы заливались водой, в которой тонули заложники.

Установлено, что расстреляны […] капитан Сорокин, торговец Величко.

Red terror

Хуторяне И. Афанасюк и С. Прокопович, заживо оскальпированные. У ближнего, И. Афанасюка, на теле следы ожогов от раскаленной шашки

По рассказам очевидцев, трупы зарыты во дворе дома № 47 по Сумской ул., где помещалась комендатура Чрезвычайки. Здесь должны быть зарыты трупы бывшего сотрудника «Новой России» капитана В. Г. Плаксы-Ждановича и коммерсанта Шиховского, расстрелянных в один день.

Тех, которые после расстрела еще подавали признаки жизни, Саенко собственноручно приканчивал кинжалом.

Red terror

Раскопки братской могилы жертв красного террора

На Сумской и Чайковской улицах помещения полны трупного запаха. Жертвы большевистских зверств расстреливались у самых «Чрезвычаек» и тут же погребались, причем тела убитых едва засыпались землей.

В подвале дома по Сумской улице № 47 обнаружена доска, на которой приговоренные к смерти записывали последние слова. Имеются некоторые подписи: Кулинин, Андреев, Знаменский, Бробловский.

Red terror

Харьков. Раскопки братской могилы с жертвами красного террора

Дом, в котором еще так недавно помещался концентрационный лагерь для буржуев и контрреволюционеров и где зверствовал садист Саенко, окружен рвом и колючей изгородью. Проникнуть в дом можно только через маленький мостик. Весь дом в настоящее время совершенно пуст.

Во дворе дома устроены две грандиозные братские могилы, в которых расстрелянных погребали одного над другим. Сколько тел предано земле в этих братских могилах, пока установить не удалось.

Red terror

Харьков. Фотография головы архимандрида Родиона, Спассовский монастырь, оскальпированного большевиками

Продолжаются раскопы могил жертв красного террора. Пока вырыто 239 трупов. Протоколом судебно-медицинского исследования установлены факты погребения живых, издевательств и пыток.

Волчанск. Получены сведения, что в городе Волчанске большевики перед уходом расстреляли 64 заложника, находившихся в распоряжении «Чрезвычайной» комиссии. Среди расстрелянных начальница женской гимназии и видные общественные деятели.

Red terror

Двор харьковской губчека (Садовая улица 5) с трупами казненных

Расстрелы киевлян. Киевская Чрезвычайная комиссия, руководимая Сорокиным, культивирует систему расстрелов. Убито много видных общественных деятелей, которые были обвинены в фантастических заговорах против советской власти. Из числа видных киевлян кроме профессоров Армашевского, Флоринского, расстреляны офицеры, кн[язь] Трубецкой; хорошо известный киевлянам г[осподин] Размитальский; директор городского банка Цитович; присяжный поверенный Палибин; киевские финансисты Пенес и Рубинштейн; присяжный поверенный Лурье и много других. Лукьяновская тюрьма и все другие арестантские помещения забиты арестованными.

Террор в Одессе. 400 человек за неуплату контрибуций отправлено на принудительные работы.

Red terror

Харьков. Трупы убитых, сваленные в телегу

Всюду на Украине большевики занимаются грабежом и насилиями. Так, к одному богатому мужику явились красноармейцы и потребовали от него 40 000 рублей. Тот мог дать только 4 000. Не удовлетворившись этим, красноармейцы связали мужика и его жену и принялись свечою жечь им пятки.

Расстрелы в Петрограде. По полученным сведениям, в Петрограде по постановлению Чрезвычайной комиссии были расстреляны штабс-капитан Ганыч, лейтенант флота Паскевич, полковник Четыркин, балтийский командир заградителя «Лена» Брун, Кутейников, мичман Овчинников, лейтенант флота Штейнгеттер, Чаусов, мичман Кучинский, офицеры Центрального штаба Сибиряков, Зубчанинов, Попов, Сергеев, Чайковский, Надыпов, Капорцов, Зейков, Дурнов, Карасюк, Васильев, Иванов, Далыпин-Шайлеков, Рогачев, Котов, Большаков, Хмызов-Смирнов, Выхолков, Ястяков, Сафронов, Борисов, Акимов, Анто-Самсонов. Приговоры подписаны председателем Скороходовым и секретарем Чудиным.

Red terror

Труп заложника Ильи Сидоренко, владельца можного магазина в городе Сумы. У убитого переломаны руки, сломаны ребра, взрезаны половые органы. Замучен красными в Харькове

Кроме того, по постановлению той же Чрезвычайки были расстреляны сотрудники «Русского знамени» Лука Злотников, И. В. Ревенко, Л. Н. Бобров, В. Н. Мухин, А. Д. Га-рявин, Н. А. Ларин и др.; офицеры: Р. Р. Депнер, Н. С. Сурмонов, Я. Я. Тягунов, Д. Н. Карпов, В. К. Коспелецкий, Н. Б. Шкловский, С. М. Помочников, М. П. Базыкин, П. С. Беляков, Г. И. Газан и др.

В окрестностях Перми найдены тела графини Гендриковой и г-жи Шнейдер, которые сопровождали царскую семью во время ее путешествия из Омска в Екатеринбург. Они под конвоем были доставлены в Пермь, где и погибли от рук большевиков.

Red terror

Харьков, двор чрезвычайки. Труп заложника И. Пономаренко, бывшего телеграфиста. Правая рцка обрублена. Поперек груди несколько глубоких надрезов. На заднем плане еще два трупа

Сводка сведений о злодеяниях и беззакониях большевиков

26 августа 1919 года, № 110195, г. Ростов-на-Дону.

Одесса. […] В подвалах одесской «Чрезвычайки» найдены орудия пыток, много трупов замученных. Среди орудий пыток обращают внимание особые приспособления цепей для растягивания конечностей. Английское командование привело в застенки «Чрезвычайки» команды своих кораблей. Орудия пыток произвели на английских матросов тяжелое впечатление.

Херсон. Население с ужасом вспоминает зверства большевистской Чрезвычайки, свирепствовавшей с приездом в Херсон двух китайцев, специалистов пыток, препарировавших живых людей, снимавших кожу с ног и рук, втыкавших булавки под ногти. В последние дни большевиками было убито много общественных деятелей с целью парализовать общественную жизнь после ухода большевиков из Херсона.

Капитан Федоров со следами пыток на руках. На левой руке след от пулевого ранения, полученного во время пыток. В последнюю минуту сумел бежать из-под расстрела. Внизу фотографии орудия пыток, изображенные Федоровым

Капитан Федоров со следами пыток на руках. На левой руке след от пулевого ранения, полученного во время пыток. В последнюю минуту сумел бежать из-под расстрела. Внизу фотографии орудия пыток, изображенные Федоровым

Николаев. К коменданту являются беспрестанно для регистрации офицеры, укрывавшиеся в окрестных селах и деревнях от большевиков. Они рассказывают ужасы. Пылают деревни, зажженные большевиками. Матросы уничтожают крестьянское добро, сжигают весь хлеб за невозможностью унести его с собой. Расстреливается домашний скот; разрушаются сельскохозяйственные машины.

Там, где раньше крестьяне восставали против большевистских властей, большевики, не встречая мужчин в деревнях, переносят злобу на женщин и детей. Например, в одной деревне, где население перебило отряд коммунистов, большевики раздевали донага женщин и с издевательствами заставляли их идти перед пьяной толпой. Найдено много трупов детей с отрезанными конечностями.

Red terror

Харьков. Тело заложника поручика Боброва, которому красные палачи отрезали язык, отрубили кисти рук и сняли кожу вдоль левой ноги

Кременчуг. В Кременчуге продолжаются раскопки расстрелянных и замученных большевиками. Число убитых […] доходит до 2 500 человек. Выкопана группа расстрелянных телеграфных служащих: 5 мужчин, 1 женщина. Расстрелы производились большей частью матросами. Приговоренного сажали на край могилы и стреляли в затылок. Когда могила наполнялась телами убитых, начинали заполнять следующую.

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Харьков. Трупы замученных женщин-заложниц. Вторая слева С. Иванова, владелица мелочного магазина. Третья слева — А. И. Карольская, жена полковника. Четвертая — Л. Хлопкова, помещица. У всех заживо взрезаны и вылущены груди, половые органы обожжены и в них найдены уголья

Пенза. Лицо, прибывшее из Совдепии, рисует картину жизни в Пензе. В кафедральном соборе коммунистами устроен клуб, где устраиваются концерты, семейные вечера для коммунистов и их родственников. В архиерейском доме помещается Чрезвычайка, которая производит расстрел днем и ночью. Масса интеллигенции и духовенства расстреляна, оставшиеся мобилизованы на общественные работы.

На Соборной площади был поставлен памятник Карлу Марксу, который охраняется китайцами и латышами. Но в одну ночь памятник был разрушен. Начался красный террор. Было арестовано 156 офицеров и посажено в тюрьму вместе с уголовными преступниками.

Последние разбежались, и когда некоторые были пойманы, то выдали офицеров, организовавших будто бы восстание против советской власти. Все 156 офицеров расстреляны. Матрос, стоявший на посту на месте расстрела, лично передавал, что он не мог перенести картины ужаса и бежал с поста. Во время террора у власти стояла коммунистка Бош, ныне находящаяся в Астрахани.

Red terror

Трупы заложников, расстрелянных в харьковской тюрьме

Киев. В известиях Киевского исполнительного комитета Совета рабочих депутатов, напечатан список расстрелянных в Киеве местной Чрезвычайкой: проф. Армашевский, Башин И. А., Бедуиневич А. М., служащий Юго-Восточной железной дороги; Бох Н. С., преподаватель гимназии; Бебирь А. П., заведующий бухгалтерскими курсами; Бубнов Г. К., купец; Буравкин А. Я., бывший содержатель «Большой национальной гостиницы»; Бочаров Е. А., статский советник; де Векки Н. Е., домовладелица; Дембицкий И. М., купец; Данилов Г. К., купец; Калкин Н. Д., служащий Юго-Восточной железной дороги; Григорьев Аркадий Моисеевич, присяжный поверенный, поручик артиллерии; Иванов Н. Ф., бывший окружной инспектор Киевского учебного округа; Коноклин Б. В., купец; Купянский Н. Ф., инженер домовладелец; Манинков М. Т., присяжный поверенный; Можаловский П. М., товарищ прокурора; Молодовский Г. Г., домовладелец; Неклюдов И. И., бывший вице-губернатор; Новиков А. Ф., директор Третьей гимназии, член Государственной думы; Приступа Г. И., присяжный поверенный; Печенов К. Г., служащий железной дороги; Раич Н. И., товарищ председателя окружного суда; Рудаков П. Г., домовладелец; Садовский Ф. Г., служащий железной дороги; Слинко А. Т., 80 лет; Станков В. В., купец; Стахов; Суковкин Н. И., бывший киевский губернатор; Тихонов К. В., домовладелец; Тоболин А. А., бывший директор Государственного банка; Цитович А. Л., домовладелец; Щеголев С. Н., публицист.

Red terror

Трупы заложников, найденные в херсонской ЧК в подвале дома Тюльпанова

Статистика чекистского вранья

Официальные данные ЧК о расстрелянных не отражают, разумеется, и 10% реальной цифры. По ним получается, что за 1918 г. было расстреляно 6185 чел. (в т.ч. за первую половину года 22), а всего за три года — 12733; в тюрьмы было посажено в 1918 г. 14829 чел., в концлагеря — 6407 и заложниками взято 4068 (в 1919 г. — 5491). Не говоря о том, что помимо приговоров ЧК, к которым относятся эти данные (охватывающие, к тому же, возможно, не все местные органы ЧК), по существующим инструкциям «контрреволюционеры» подлежали расстрелу на месте, каковым образом и была уничтожена масса людей, оставшихся даже неопознанными (кроме того, помимо ЧК расстрелы производились по приговорам ревтрибуналов и военных судов).

Но главное, что лишает приводимые цифры всякой достоверности как сколько-нибудь полные, — тот факт, что массовые расстрелы проводились ЧК задолго до официального объявления красного террора (сотнями, например, по казанской организации, ярославскому делу и множеству других), т.е. тогда, когда было расстреляно, якобы, всего 22 человека.

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Трупы замученных красными у одной из станций Херсонской губернии. Изуродованы головы и конечности жертв

По подсчетам С.П.Мельгунова по опубликованным в советских же (центральных и некоторых провинциальных) газетах случайным и очень неполным данным за это время расстреляно было 884 человека. Более чем за два месяца до официального провозглашения террора Ленин (в письме Зиновьеву от 26 июня 1918 г.) писал, что «надо поощрять энергию и массовидность террора против контрреволюционеров, и особенно в Питере, пример которого решает».

Да и по сведениям самих большевистских газет нетрудно убедиться, что расстрелы ЧК, во-первых, начались задолго до (объявленного позже первым) расстрела офицеров л.-гв.Семеновского полка братьев А.А. и В.А. Череп-Спиридовичей 31 мая 1918 г., а, во-вторых, количество расстрелянных по публикуемым спискам намного превышает объявленное позже. В крупных городах по наблюдениям очевидцев расстреливалось ежедневно несколько десятков человек (в Киеве, в частности, по 60-70).

Наконец, по многочисленным свидетельствам, в списки включались далеко не все расстрелянные. По делу Щепкина в Москве в сентябре 1919 г. было расстреляно более 150 ч при списке в 66, в Кронштадте в июле того же года 100-150 при списке в 19 и т.д. За три первые месяца 1919 г. по подсчетам газеты «Воля России» было расстреляно 13850 ч.

В январе 1920 г. накануне провозглашения отмены смертной казни (формально с 15.01 по 25.05.1920 г., но которую никто, конечно, на деле не отменял — сами «Известия сообщали о расстреле с января по май 521 чел.) по тюрьмам прошла волна расстрелов, только в Москве погибло более 300 ч, в Петрограде — 400, в Саратове — 52 и т.д. По официальным данным одни только военно-революционные трибуналы с мая по сентябрь 1920 г. расстреляли 3887 человека.

Red terror

Труп 17-18-летнего юноши, с вырубленным боком и изувеченным лицом

Хотя террор был официально объявлен 2 сентября, массовые расстрелы начались еще накануне. Представление о его ходе дают отрывочные сообщения с мест (отражающие, понятно, лишь очень небольшую часть репрессий). Здесь приводятся только те сообщения, где встречаются прямые указания на офицеров, но абсолютное их большинство не называет состав расстрелянных, а только общую цифру и общую характеристику типа «заложники», «контрреволюционеры», «буржуи», «враги пролетариата» и т.п.

В это время офицеры составляли среди расстрелянных больший процент, чем в дальнейшем, особенно в 1919 г. Их арестовывали и расстреливали в первую очередь.

Первые сведения о терроре, передовая статья советского официоза комментировала так: «Со всех концов поступают сообщения о массовых арестах и расстрелах. У нас нет списка всех расстрелянных с обозначением их социального положения, чтобы составить точную статистику в этом отношении, но по тем отдельным, случайным и далеко не полным спискам, которые до нас доходят, расстреливаются преимущественно бывшие офицеры… представители буржуазии в штатском платье встречаются лишь в виде исключения».

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Найденная в подвале харьковской ЧК кожа, содранная с рук жертв при помощи металлического гребня и специальных щипцов

В Петрограде с объявлением «красного террора» 2 сентября 1918 г. по официальному сообщению было расстреляно 512 ч (почти все офицеры), однако в это число не вошли те сотни офицеров, которых расстреляли в Кронштадте (400) и Петрограде по воле местных советов и с учетом которых число казненных достигает 1300. Кроме того, как сообщал лорду Керзону английский священник Ломбард, «в последних числах августа две барки, наполненные офицерами, потоплены и трупы их были выброшены в имении одного из моих друзей, расположенном на Финском заливе; многие были связаны по двое и по трое колючей проволокой» .

По кораблям Балтийского флота ходили агенты ЧК и по указанию команды выбирали офицеров, которых уводили на расстрел. Один из уцелевших вспоминал: «Когда утром я поднялся на мостик — я увидел страшное зрелище. Откуда-то возвращалась толпа матросов, несших предметы офицерской одежды и сапоги. Некоторые из них были залиты кровью. Одежду расстрелянных в минувшую ночь офицеров несли на продажу».

В Москве за первые числа сентября расстреляно 765 ч, ежедневно в Петровском парке казнили по 10-15. В газеты время от времени попадали сообщения о небольших партиях расстрелянных. Таковые же встречались на протяжении конца 1918 и всего 1919 г.: 3 и 19 декабря, 24 января, 4 и 12 февраля (13 кадровых офицеров), 23 марта, 12 апреля, 1, 5 и 10 мая, 23 и 28 сентября, 20 декабря, 18 февраля 1920 г. и т.д.

Red terror

Харьков. Трупы заложников, погибших под пытками большевиков

Political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union

There was systematic political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union,[1] based on the interpretation of political opposition or dissent as a psychiatric problem.[2] It was called “psychopathological mechanisms” of dissent.[3]

During the leadership of General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, psychiatry was used to disable and remove from society political opponents (“dissidents”) who openly expressed beliefs that contradicted the official dogma.[4][5] The term “philosophical intoxication”, for instance, was widely applied to the mental disorders diagnosed when people disagreed with the country’s Communist leaders and, by referring to the writings of the Founding Fathers of Marxism–Leninism—Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Vladimir Lenin—made them the target of criticism.[6]

Pretty much the same thing happens in the West. When someone disagreement with the anti-white / globalist / diversity agenda, they don’t ask “why do you believe that?” they instead ask “what underlying pathology causes you to believe that?”

Jerusalem Post: Middle Israel: Was the Bolshevik Revolution a Jewish plot?

“Moses led the Jews out of Egypt, Stalin led them out of the Politburo,” whispered veterans of the Bolshevik Revolution, as winter 1927 approached the Moscow River’s banks.

The revolution that erupted 100 years ago this week was turning on its heroes, as Joseph Stalin was purging the late Vladimir Lenin’s protégés, confidants and aides. The expulsion those days of Leon Trotsky from the Communist Party was but the beginning of an anti-Jewish assault that would continue intermittently until Stalin’s death.

The revolution’s Jewish leaders would vanish much sooner than the communism for which they fought, but many Russians – to this day – still see the revolution as a Jewish plot.

Lenin’s deputies Lev Kamenev (originally Rozenfeld) and Grigory Zinoviev (born Hirsch Apfelbaum) and his treasurer Grigori Sokolnikov (Girsh Yankelevich Brilliant) were all Jews, as were Karl Radek (Sobelsohn), co-writer of the Soviet Constitution, Maxim Litvinov (Meir Henoch Wallach-Finkelstein), foreign minister of the USSR until his removal so Stalin could pact with Hitler.

This is, of course, besides Trotsky himself, builder of the Red Army and the only Soviet who served as both foreign and defense minister.

Most proverbially, a Jew – Yakov Sverdlov – oversaw the nighttime execution of Czar Nikolai, Empress Alexandra, and their five children.

Jewish revolutionaries were prominent beyond Russia as well.

In Germany, philosopher-economist Rosa Luxemburg led an abortive revolution in 1919 before being caught, clubbed, shot dead and dumped in a canal. In Hungary, Bela Kun – originally Kohn – led a short-lived communist coup several months after Luxemburg’s murder.

In Romania, Ana Pauker – originally Hebrew teacher Hannah Rabinsohn, and later the world’s first woman foreign minister – effectively ran the country for Stalin, before falling from grace and spending her last years under house arrest. In Czechoslovakia, Rudolf Slansky was the second-most powerful figure before his public trial and execution alongside 11 other senior Jewish communists. In Poland, two of the three Stalinists who led its transition to communism – Hilary Minc, who collectivized its economy, and Jakub Berman, who headed its secret police – were Jews.

The revolution, in short, was so crowded with Jews that one had to wonder whether “the Jews” were inherently revolutionary.

A century on, it is clear they were not.

Times of Israel: 100 years on, international conferences debate Jewish role in Russian Revolution

I don’t see much debate, just a victimization narrative.

For Jews, the fall of Tsarist Russia meant a new relative freedom: the end to the Pale of Settlement, which had prevented Jews from living in big cities, and the abolition of all other anti-Semitic laws, such as quotas for Jewish children in primary schools and discriminatory military service requirements. Soviet Russia also became the first country in the world to declare anti-Semitism a criminal offense.

But as Communism took root, it ignited a civil war that resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of Jews during the bloodiest pogroms the world would see until the Holocaust.

To commemorate the centennial of the revolution, academic conferences around the world are discussing the role Jews played in the uprising and its aftermath — and how they were affected by it.

Here’s a look at some of the events.


Were Ukrainian nationalist leaders responsible for the pogroms that caused the deaths of tens of thousands of Jews during the Russian civil war? This and other subjects were discussed at a October 15 conference in Kiev.

The conference, entitled “Ukrainian Jews: Revolution and Post-Revolutionary Modernization” brought together scholars from Russia, Israel, the United States, Ukraine, Hungary, and western Europe for presentations on topics ranging from the Jewish Communist Party (Poalei Zion) to images of synagogues in revolutionary art.

One of the central topics was whether the leaders of Ukraine, which declared itself independent from Soviet Russia between 1917 and 1921, were responsible for the pogroms that lead to the deaths of between 50,000 and 200,000 Jews – the greatest calamity to befall the Jewish people prior to the Holocaust.

Speaking with The Times of Israel, Vitaly Chernoivanenko, the president of the Ukrainian Association for Jewish Studies and one of the organizers of the conference, said that Ukrainian leader Symon Petliura cannot be held responsible for the pogroms.

“Petliura himself didn’t support the pogroms, but he couldn’t control the situation,” said Chernoivanenko. “Petliura didn’t control the entire territory. I think he would have protected the Jews.”

He also said the Jews were not the only victims of the pogroms. . . .

But outside of Ukraine, historians disagree with this point of view.
In a phone call, Gennady Estraikh, a Jewish history professor at New York University, called this universalist approach to pogrom victims historical revisionism.

Mass grave of Kozak Volyn Division of UNR Army found in Vinnytsia Oblast

Mass grave of Kozak Volyn Division of UNR Army found in Vinnytsia Oblast

According to a local, Mykola Drabaty, who remembers the stories recounted by elderly villagers, the soldiers buried in the grave were members of the Second Volyn Division of the UNR Army*, who were mobilized in Kukiv Volost, Mohyliv-Podilsky Raion, Podillya Governorate.

*Ukrainian People’s Republic/Ukrainian National Republic declared on June 10, 1917

The Ukrainian soldiers were captured by the Red Army. In November 1920, the Bolsheviks led them beyond the village and executed them mercilessly. Several shepherd boys witnessed how this massacre was carried out by the communist military.

December 20, 1720, #Russian Emperor Peter I ordered to #Kyiv Governor Mykhail Galitsin to remove all Ukrainian-language writings from local monasteries and destroy them.

December 20, 1720, #Russian Emperor Peter I ordered to #Kyiv Governor Mykhail Galitsin to remove all Ukrainian-language writings from local monasteries and destroy them.

Moscow museum gives the full picture of Jewish role in 1917 Russian Revolution

The last 100 years: “Jewish involvement in Communism is an anti-semitic conspiracy theory”

Today: “Well ok, sure the Bolsheviks were Jewish, but they didn’t have a choice”

While even Vladimir Putin has repeated some myths, Jews were highly represented in establishing Soviet rule — and they didn’t have much choice in the matter

Of all the many loaded issues tied to the bloody history of Jews in the former Soviet Union, none is as sensitive today in that part of the world as their role in the 1917 revolution that brought the communists to power.

The outsized prevalence of Jews in the ranks of the revolution that broke out a century ago on November 7 has remained a mainstay of anti-Semitic vitriol in the area.

During the Holocaust, it served as a pretext for the murder of countless Jews across Eastern Europe by self-proclaimed enemies of communism and Russia. And it’s still being used today to incite hatred against local Jews, including among devout Christians who were persecuted by the anti-religious Soviet authorities.

Living in religious societies that by and large feel victimized by communism or its effects, many Russian-speaking Jews and their leaders have either remained silent on communism or downplayed the Jews’ role in it.

It’s a logical strategy, given the rhetoric of senior politicians like Peter Tolstoy, the deputy speaker of the Russian parliament. At a January news conference, he blamed Jews with interfering in a plan to relocate a church in Saint Petersburg. Tolstoy said Jews use their positions in the media and government to continue the work of ancestors who “pulled down our churches” in 1917.

. . . .

“For many years, neither Jews nor the authorities wanted to open up the subject, which became the stuff of myths for the ultranationalists, neo-Nazis and other anti-Semites,” said Boruch Gorin, chairman of Moscow’s Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center. “But now the time has come to look at the facts.”

. . . .

Jews in the top echelon of the Communist Party during its early days in power included Yakov Sverdlov, its executive secretary; Grigori Zinoviev, head of the Communist International; press commissar Karl Radek; foreign affairs commissar Maxim Litvinov; as well as Lev Kamenev and Moisei Uritsky.

“The observant Jews thought in 1917 that the communists would allow them to extend Jewish life, the Zionists thought the revolution would advance their goals and there was a feeling of liberation,” Gorin said.

But it’s not like Russian Jews ever really had a choice.

“At a time when the Red Army had posters denouncing anti-Semitism, the monarchists fighting for the czar had posters disseminating [anti-Semitism] as a pillar of what they were fighting for,” he said. The exhibition includes such posters.

. . . .

During the Holocaust, the alignment of many Jews with the communist cause was cited as justification for wholesale slaughter by collaborators with the Germans. They resented not only communism but Russian domination in countries across Eastern and Central Europe.

The Jewish role in communism is used by anti-Semites to justify the Holocaust.

Zsolt Bayer, a co-founder of Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party, last year wrote in an op-ed: “Why are we surprised that the simple peasant whose determinant experience was that the Jews broke into his village, beat his priest to death, threatened to convert his church into a movie theater — why do we find it shocking that 20 years later he watched without pity as the gendarmes dragged the Jews away from his village?”

The exhibition goes on to explore how the hopes for Jewish emancipation through communism were ultimately dashed, making some Jews prominent perpetrators of repression and turning many other Jews into victims.